Journal Of Education

THE TRADITIONAL POLITICAL GOVERNANCE OF DORZE PEOPLES SOUTH WEST ETHIOPIA

Solomon Gebreyes

 

Abstract:  The traditional political governance was part of the African people political culture in general and Ethiopia nation and nationalities in particular. In pre-colonial Africa traditional political institutions had been administering the political social and cultural activities of the people. However, following colonial rule, many of these traditional political institutions were downgraded or destroyed which in their own ways had provided modes of democratic governance and replaced with Europeans mode of system of administration.

Similarly, though unlike other African countries, Ethiopia did not experience European colonial rule, the traditional political institutions of some Nation and Nationalities were downgraded or destroyed following the incorporation of the southern parts of Ethiopia in to Menelik II Empire. Some of them include: Gada of Ormo Sera of Kambata, Yajoka and Gordana of Gurage, Helka or Dulatha of Dorze.

The aim of this paper is to deal with the system of governance developed over the centuries by Dorze, people of the south-western Ethiopia. After a brief general introduction in to Dorze society, particularly their socio economic organization, a detailed description of their political governance is given. The paper also recommended that attention should be given to revitalize this traditional political administration pertinent to contemporary use particularly at local level. The paper also concluded that democratic practices should not be necessarily associated with the Western ideology. It has rather been part of traditional political culture of various nation and nationalities of Ethiopia.

1.INTRODUCTION

1.1.     ORIGIN AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION OF DORZE PEOPLE

The Dorze are one of the Omotic speaking peoples who live in the Gamo highlands of South West Ethiopia. The Gamo highlands rise to an average elevation of 9000 feet to the west of the Rift Valley. The Dorze occupy the Eastern edge of the highland above Lake Abaya, about 2600m above sea level¹. Currently this area is part of the Semein Omo of the Southern Nation Nationalities Regional State.

The Dorze bordered with the people who inhabit the Gamo highland in the east with Otchollo people who live on the top of the hill of the Gamo highland. In the north of Dorze the people of Dita who were their rivals and enemies in the last nineteenth century. To the west they bordered with the Sala people to whom land many Dorze migrated and lived as weavers. On the south the Dorze bordered with the Amaro.

The Dorze and all their neighbouring peoples belong to the Omotic language family. Cerulli simply calls them as the people of Gamo. According to her the Dorze are culturally and linguistically homogeneous with their neighbour peole. But other anthropologists and linguists have attempted to show the Dorze have gradually changed their identity. According to such sources this was because of the infusion with the Amharic stock.

Although historians have not yet attempted to study the history of Dorze, all the available anthropological and linguistic sources repart that the Dorze had lived in the areas of Gamo highland for many centuries before the conquest of Menelik II in late nineteenth century.

Straube argued that the culture of Dorze said to be a blend of the culture of two different groups. The first group consisted of the twenty three clans who have claimed that they have lived permanently in the Dorze home land or come from the neighbouring Ometo speaking areas. The other group which consisted of the three clans who claimed to be migrated from the Northern part of the Ethiopian Empire during the ‘First’ Christian Amhara penetration which was aid to have happened in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries⁶. Among the Dorze, the traditions of migration and claiming of origin from the north is also wide spread.⁷

Though it is an established tradition in Ethiopian society to trace one’s origin from the north, interestingly, the Dorze have some important evidences to explain their claims. The names of places like Amaro in Dorze land might have been the settlement area of the Christian Amhara in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. These settler of Amharas might have had intermarried with the twenty-three clans of Dorze. Therefore, this Dorze claim and Haberland argument at least in my view are not far from the truth and seem plausible.

In their subsistence economy the Dorze are characterized as œenset horti culturalists. But, they depend heavily on weaving for their livelihood. In addition, straube argues that the Dorze have a long tradition as mercenaries and raiders. He states that “unlike the other groups of people of the Gamo highlands the Dorze were not predominantly peasant society, but they were warriors and traders and later on they adopted weaving.

It has not been definitely established when weaving was introduced into Dorze land in Gamo highlands. According to Western writers weaving was not and indigenous occupation to the Dorze and it was most probably introduced from the north. Southern Ethiopia, the etymological similarity of the equipment and techniques in weaving both in the Dorze and the Northerners. ¹⁰ other writers have also suggested that the Northerners (Amhara or Amaro) who immigrated to the area long before the conquest might have introduced weaving to Gamo highlands.¹¹

On the other hand, in general we cannot conclude that the origin of cotton cloths to South and Western Ethiopia was Northern highlands. Because in the fiftieth century praise going of king Yishaq, it is mentioned that places like Bizamo, Sobit and Gafat period tribute in bizet (processed cotton). And yet the case of Gamo highlands where Dorze is located it was horse paid as tributary than bizet.¹² Therefore, this calls rigorous historical research. Here, the sources at our disposals as have been seen in the above show only the existence of different economic activities in the Dorze. In addition, we can say only that the Dorze had acquired diversified economic activities and they were stratified economically.

The Dorze had experienced both peaceful and hostile relations with their neighbours. Their trading relations with the Wollaita, Konso and other peoples of the Gamo highlands are worth to be mentioned. The Dorze used to get the materials used for their initation rites from Konso, which were ostrich feathers and brass phallic symbols. On the other hand the Dorze obtained glasses and bottles from Wallaita. They were also prdominantly trading in weaving products with their partners.

Religiously, the Dorze before the introduction of Christianity were professing traditional beliefs. These beliefs were categorized in three hierarchies. The first and perhaps the supreme was the believe in a supreme god of “the spirit of fathers Tawa. The second was the belief in diviners (maro) perhaps the mediator who was the people believed that the Maro possessed the divine power to solve problems. The third was the belief in gods or goddesses whose spirit might dwell in stones, trees, domestic animals, songs of birds, roaring of hyenas and others.

Along with these traditional beliefs in the religious life of the Dorze people, there was a belief, in the established social norms. One of these norms was Gome. Gome was defined as an action that goes against the traditional rule (Woga) and thus believed to cause sickness in the family member, death of cattle, loss of money etc. in order to be save, according to the norm the people should go and consult the Maro.

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Christianity was introduced in the Dorze land.¹⁸ This is justified by the existence of a church in Dorze land which dates back to the sixteenth century. Although Christianity introduced earlier its impacts on the culture of the people was remained relatively superficial until the coming of Menlik’s II conquest. According to Haberland this was because of the fact that Christian cultural influence was weakened due to the serious threats of, the expansion of Oromo from South to North and the wars of Ahmed Gragn in the sixteenth century. Therefore, according to Haberland, consequently the Christians had less influence on the traditional belief of Dorze. The local people had revived and exercised their traditional belief.¹⁹ Here we should not that Christianity had tolerated the traditional beliefs on many places in time.

The Dorze People were socially stratified. This social stratification was between those called bairal and gedhos (senior and junior). This distinction was used not only in the kingship but also within clans, districts and even animals. In traditional Dorze society there was persistence claims by different clans for the bairaship status. For example, the Sara claimed that they were the bairas of the whole Dorze clans. Their justification for this was that the (King) of the Dorze was belonged to the Sara clan. The district of laka was claimed the baira of the Dorze districts for it was founded first and it was the seat of the forum (bubbusha) where the Dorze general assembly (dulatha) took place. The other claimant district for bairaship was the Amaro which was the place where the king  resided and where the church of Dorze Giorgis situated. In this trend, one can extend the lists and explanation of claims for bairaship status in Dorze society.

With regard to other social stratification in Dorze community, the society was grouped in to two social groups. These were the Mala which literally meant citizens and the Soma literally meaning non-citizen. This social grouping was based on land ownership. Free access to the land and crop cultivation was the right to use the Mala. The Mala group includes the (King), halaka, Dulatha members and other Male citizens of Dorze society. The Soma, (non-citizens) had only the right to construct houses on public land and practiced small agriculture at the compound of their houses. Slaves and crafts men were belonged to this social group.